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The American Religious Landscape in 2020

Seven in ten Americans (70%) place every bit Christian, including more than iv in ten who identify as white Christian and more than than i-quarter who place as Christian of color. Nearly ane in four Americans (23%) are religiously unaffiliated, and 5% identify with non-Christian religions.[1]

The most substantial cultural and political divides are betwixt white Christians and Christians of color. More than four in ten Americans (44%) place as white Christian, including white evangelical Protestants (14%), white mainline (not-evangelical) Protestants (sixteen%), and white Catholics (12%), likewise as small percentages who identify every bit Latter-solar day Saint (Mormon), Jehovah's Witness, and Orthodox Christian[2]. Christians of color include Hispanic Catholics (8%), Black Protestants (7%), Hispanic Protestants (4%), other Protestants of color (four%), and other Catholics of color (2%)[3]. The rest of religiously affiliated Americans belong to non-Christian groups, including 1% who are Jewish, i% Muslim, 1% Buddhist, 0.5% Hindu, and 1% who identify with other religions. Religiously unaffiliated Americans incorporate those who practice non claim whatever item religious affiliation (17%) and those who identify equally atheist (iii%) or agnostic (three%).

The Decline of White Christian America Slows

Over the concluding few decades, the proportion of the U.S. population that is white Christian has declined by nigh one-tertiary. As recently as 1996, almost 2-thirds of Americans (65%) identified as white and Christian. Past 2006, that had declined to 54%, and by 2017 it was down to 43%[iv]. The proportion of white Christians hit a depression bespeak in 2018, at 42%, and rebounded slightly in 2019 and 2020, to 44%. That tick upward indicates the decline is slowing from its pace of losing roughly 11% per decade.

The slight increase in white Christians between 2018 and 2020 was driven primarily by an uptick in the proportion of white mainline (non-evangelical) Protestants and a stabilization in the proportion of white Catholics. Since 2007, white mainline (not-evangelical) Protestants have declined from 19% of the population to a low of 13% in 2016, but the terminal three years have seen small just steady increases, upward to sixteen% in 2020. White Catholics take also declined from a loftier bespeak of 16% of the population in 2008, and their depression point of 11% occurred in 2018. It is unclear if the bump dorsum up to 12% in 2020 indicates a new trend.

Since 2006, white evangelical Protestants have experienced the most sharp drop in affiliation, shrinking from 23% of Americans in 2006 to 14% in 2020. That proportion has mostly held steady since 2017 (15% in 2017, 2018, and 2019).

The Rise of the "Nones" Slows

Disaffiliating white Christians accept fueled the growth of the religiously unaffiliated during this period. Only 16% of Americans reported being religiously unaffiliated in 2007; this proportion rose to xix% by 2012, and then gained roughly a per centum point each year from 2012 to 2017. Reflecting the patterns above, the proportion of religiously unaffiliated Americans hitting a high point of 26% in 2018 but has since slightly declined, to 23% in 2020.

The increase in proportion of religiously unaffiliated Americans has occurred beyond all historic period groups simply has been well-nigh pronounced amid immature Americans. In 1986, only x% of those ages 18–29 identified every bit religiously unaffiliated. In 2016, that number had increased to 38%, and declined slightly in 2020, to 36%.

Stability Among Christians of Colour and Non-Christian Religious Groups

In 2020, around one in four Americans were Christians of colour (26%). This share is relatively similar compared to that in 2016 (25%) and has grown simply slightly since 2006 (23%). Individual groups of Christians of color, including Black Protestants, Hispanic Protestants, Hispanic Catholics, Black Catholics, Asian American and Pacific Islander (AAPI) Christians, multiracial Christians, and Native American Christians, accept shifted by unmarried percentage points betwixt 2006 and 2020.

The share of non-Christian religious groups has besides remained steady between 2020 (4%), 2016 (4%), and 2006 (5%). No non-Christian religious group has grown or declined significantly in size since 2006.

Demographics and Diverseness Among Religious Groups

Young Americans Are More than Religiously Diverse

Americans ages 18–29 are the nearly religiously various age group. Although a majority (54%) are Christian, only 28% are white Christians (including 12% who are white mainline Protestants, 8% who are white Catholics, and 7% who are white evangelical Protestants), while 26% are Christians of colour (including nine% who are Hispanic Catholics, 5% who are Hispanic Protestants, v% who are Black Protestants, two% who are multiracial Christians, two% who are AAPI Christians, and one% who are Native American Christians). More than one-third of young Americans (36%) are religiously unaffiliated, and the remainder are Jewish (2%), Muslim (2%), Buddhist (1%), Hindu (1%), or another religion (1%).

The proportion of white Christians increases proportionally as age increases. Amid those ages 30–49, 41% are white Christian, as are half of those ages fifty–64 (50%) and a majority of Americans 65 and older (59%). These increases are offset past sharp declines in the proportion of religiously unaffiliated Americans in each historic period group. While more than than one-tertiary of Americans under the age of 30 are religiously unaffiliated (36%), that proportion drops to ane in 4 (25%) among those ages 30–49, to xviii% among those ages 50–64, and to only fourteen% amid those ages 65 and older.

The proportions of Christians of colour and not-Christian religious people feature more modest shifts. While the numbers are small, African American Protestants make up 8% of Americans ages 65 and older but just five% of Americans under the age of xxx. By contrast, the proportions of Hispanic Protestants, Hispanic Catholics, and adherents to other world religions are significantly higher among younger Americans than amid people over 65.

Americans ages 65 and older are the only group whose religious profile has changed significantly since 2013. Among Americans 65 and older, the proportion of white evangelical Protestants dropped from 26% in 2013 to 22% in 2020, and the proportion of white Catholics dropped from 18% in 2013 to 15% in 2020. Past contrast, the proportion of religiously unaffiliated seniors increased from 11% in 2013 to 14% in 2020.

White Evangelical Protestants are the Oldest Religious Group

White evangelical Protestants are the oldest religious grouping in the U.S., with a median age of 56, compared to the median age in the country of 47. White Catholics and Unitarian Universalists have median ages of 54 and 53 years old, respectively. Black Protestants and white mainline Protestants have a median age of l. All other groups accept median ages beneath fifty: Jehovah'due south Witnesses (49), Jewish Americans (48), Latter-day Saints (47), Orthodox Christians (42), Hispanic Catholics (42), Hispanic Protestants (39), religiously unaffiliated people (38), Buddhists (36), Hindus (36), and Muslims (33). In the youngest groups, ane-third of Hindu (33%) and Buddhist (34%) Americans and 42% of Muslim Americans are in the xviii–29 age category.

Since 2013, the median age of most religious groups has increased slightly, with the exceptions of white mainline Protestants and Jewish Americans. The median age of Black Protestants has increased nigh, from 45 in 2013 to 50 in 2020. Other groups with substantial median age increases include Hispanic Protestants (from 35 to 39), white evangelical Protestants (from 53 to 56), Latter-day Saints (from 44 to 47), Hispanic Catholics (from 39 to 42), and Hindu Americans (from 33 to 36). Other groups have remained steady or increased in median age at a similar level to the country as a whole (from 46 to 48).

The median age of white mainline Protestants and Jewish Americans has decreased over the same period. In 2013, the median historic period for white mainline Protestants was 52, and in 2020 it was 50. Jewish Americans have decreased in median age from 52 in 2013 to 48 in 2020.

Hindu, Unitarian/Universalist, and Jewish Americans Most Likely to Have College Degrees

Educational attainment varies considerably beyond religious groups. Majorities of Hindu (67%), Unitarian Universalist (59%), and Jewish (58%) Americans have iv-twelvemonth college degrees or higher. Four in x or more than Orthodox Christians (48%), white Catholics (42%), and Latter-mean solar day Saints (40%) also have at least a iv-year higher caste. More 1-third of Muslims (39%), white mainline Protestants (37%), Buddhists (37%), and the religiously unaffiliated (36%) take at least a 4-year higher degree. Three in ten white evangelical Protestants (29%) and Black Protestants (29%) hold college degrees, while one in five or less Jehovah's Witnesses (20%), Hispanic Protestants (17%), and Hispanic Catholics (fifteen%) do.

Race/Ethnicity and Religious Affiliation

A large majority (71%) of white Americans identify equally Christian. Half (50%) are Protestant, including 23% who place every bit evangelical and 27% who are mainline Protestant. Another xix% are Catholic, 2% are Latter-twenty-four hour period Saint, and less than one% each are Jehovah's Witnesses or Orthodox Christians. Nigh not-Christian white Americans are religiously unaffiliated (23%), with two% who are Jewish and less than 1% who are Muslim, Buddhist, Hindu, or some other religion. Compared to 2013, white Americans are slightly less Christian overall (74% in 2013) and more likely to be unaffiliated (22% in 2013).

Black Americans are also generally Christian (72%). More than six in ten (63%) are Protestant, including 35% who identify equally evangelical and 28% who identify as non-evangelical Protestants. Seven percent of Black Americans are Catholic, while 2% are Muslim and two% are Buddhist, 2% are another religion, and i% are Jehovah'due south Witnesses; less than i% place as Latter-mean solar day Saint, Orthodox Christian, Jewish, or Hindu. More than one in 5 (21%) Black Americans are religiously unaffiliated. More Blackness Americans identified as Christian in 2013 (79%) and fewer said they were religiously unaffiliated (16% in 2013).

3 in four Hispanic Americans (76%) identify as Christian, and half (fifty%) are Catholic. About one in four (24%) identify as Protestant, including 14% who say they are evangelical and 10% who identify every bit non-evangelical Protestant. About one% or less identity with other religious groups. About ane in five (19%) are religiously unaffiliated. Every bit with Black and white Americans, more than Hispanic Americans identified as Christian (79%) and less every bit unaffiliated (18%) in 2013.

Asian American and Pacific Islander Americans are as probable to exist religiously unaffiliated (34%) as they are to be Christian (34%). The Christian subset includes one in five (20%) who are Protestant (10% evangelical, 10% non-evangelical), 10% who are Cosmic, 1% who are Latter-day Saint, and 1% who are Orthodox Christian. Three in ten (29%) Asian or Pacific Islander Americans belong to a non-Christian faith, including 11% who are Hindu, 9% who are Buddhist, and viii% who are Muslim. Less than ane% are Jewish, and 1% vest to another religion. In that location are no meaning differences in religious amalgamation in 2013 and 2020 for AAPI Americans.

A majority (55%) of multiracial Americans are Christian. More iv in 10 (41%) place as Protestant (including 23% who are evangelical and xviii% who are non-evangelical), while 11% are Catholic, 1% are Latter-solar day Saint, and i% are Orthodox Christians. Two percent of multiracial Americans are Buddhist, and i% each are Jewish, Muslim, and Hindu. Another ii% affiliate with some other religion. More than than one-third (34%) are religiously unaffiliated. There have been no substantial shifts in religious affiliation amongst multiracial Americans since 2014[v].

Six in x Native Americans (60%) identify as Christian, more often than not comprised of 47% who are Protestant (28% evangelical, 19% non-evangelical). An additional 11% are Catholic, 1% are Latter-day Saint, and one% are Jehovah's Witnesses. Two per centum identify with another religion, ane% each are Jewish and Muslim, and less than i% are Hindu and Buddhist. Nearly 3 in x Native Americans (28%) are religiously unaffiliated. At that place take been no substantial shifts in religious amalgamation among Native Americans since 2013.

Republicans vs. Democrats: White Christians and Religious Variety

Both major political parties are majority Christian, with 83% of Republicans and 69% of Democrats identifying as Christian. The biggest departure in the religious makeup of self-identified Republicans and Democrats is the proportion of white Christians compared to Christians of colour and the religiously unaffiliated. 2-thirds of Republicans (68%) identify as white and Christian, compared to 39% of Democrats. Among Republicans, 29% are white evangelical Protestants, 22% are white mainline Protestants, and 15% are white Catholics. Amid Democrats, those numbers autumn to 9%, 16%, and 13%, respectively.

By dissimilarity, thirteen% of Democrats are Black Protestants, ten% are Hispanic Catholics, and 4% are Hispanic Protestants, compared to merely ii%, iii%, and 3%, respectively, among Republicans. Near one in four Democrats (23%) are religiously unaffiliated, compared to 13% of Republicans.

The religious makeup of Democrats generally resembles that of younger Americans
ages 18–29, who are 27% white Christian, 26% Christian of colour, vii% another religion, and 36% unaffiliated, and ages 30–49, who are 40% white Christian, 32% Christian of colour, 4% some other faith, and 23% unaffiliated. The Republican breakdown is more akin to groups of Americans over age 65, who are 59% white Christian, 20% Christian of colour, 4% another organized religion, and xiv% unaffiliated. Notably, no age grouping is as white and Christian as Republicans.

Shares of Religiously Unaffiliated Increasing in Both Parties

Shifts since 2013 in the religious composition of both the Republican Party and the Democratic Party follow a similar trend: a decline in the share of Christians and a corresponding increase in the share of religiously unaffiliated Americans.

Amidst Republicans, near of this reject is amongst white evangelical Protestants, who have declined from 37% of the party in 2006 to 34% in 2013 and are now down to a low of 29% in 2020. Other groups of white Christian Republicans have non shifted quite as dramatically. White mainline Protestants made up 22% of the party in 2006, reached a low of xviii% in 2018 and rebounded to 22% in 2020. White Catholics declined from 20% in 2006 to 17% in 2013, and have remained relatively stable since that fourth dimension, making upward xv% of the party in 2020.

The share of religiously unaffiliated people among Republicans has increased dramatically. In 2006, just 4% of Republicans identified as unaffiliated. That proportion more than than doubled to x% in 2013 and continued to abound to 13% in 2020.

The Democratic Party has seen a slight pass up in the share of Black Protestants and an increasing proportion of religiously unaffiliated members. In both 2006 and 2013, 18% of Democrats identified as Black Protestants. Starting in 2017, that share began declining: from 17% in 2017 to xv% in 2018 and xiii% in 2020. The share of unaffiliated Democrats likewise more than than doubled between 2006 (ix%) and 2013 (22%). From 2013 to 2018 (28%), the share of unaffiliated Democrats grew slightly each year, before dropping to 23% in 2020. The turn down in unaffiliated Democrats from 2018 to 2020 is offset by an increment in white mainline Protestants (12% in 2018 and 16% in 2020), consistent with the overall trend of increasing white mainline Protestant affiliation among all Americans.

American Religious Identity at the Canton Level

PRRI has been collecting and aggregating information on religious diversity in America continuously since 2013. The combined dataset contains interviews with 459,822 Americans across all 50 states from 2013 to 2019. This dataset was merged with American Community Survey (ACS) information on 3,142 counties across all 50 states to produce, for the first time, a rigorous approximate of the religious demographics of every county in the U.S. Because there is no measure of religious affiliation on the ACS or any other U.South.[half-dozen] Demography Bureau product, this PRRI Census of American Religion is the most comprehensive resources available on religious diversity in America.

Index of Religious Variety

To measure religious diversity in the Usa, this written report uses an index developed to mensurate variations in the concentration of global religious populations. The index is calculated so that a score of 1 signifies complete variety—every religious group is of equal size—and a score of 0 indicates a complete lack of diversity and 1 religious group comprises the unabridged population of a given county[vii].

  • The average religious variety score past county in the U.Due south. is 0.625.
  • Religious diversity is highest in urban areas. The 10 highest religious diversity scores are:
    • Kings Canton, New York (0.897)
    • Queens Canton, New York (0.896)
    • Montgomery County, Maryland (0.880)
    • Navajo County, Arizona (0.876)
    • Santa Clara Canton, California (0.876)
    • Middlesex County, New Jersey (0.875)
    • Rockland County, New York (0.869)
    • New York County, New York (0.868)
    • Maui Canton, Hawaii (0.867)
    • Howard Canton, Maryland (0.863)
  • Religious diversity is lowest in the southern function of the U.Due south. and in rural areas. The lowest diverseness scores amid counties with more than than 10,000 residents are:
    • Noxubee County, Mississippi (0.228)
    • Panola County, Mississippi (0.281)
    • Conecuh County, Alabama (0.283)
    • Amite County, Mississippi (0.284)
    • Marion County, Mississippi (0.284)
    • Perry Canton, Mississippi (0.298)
    • Ashley Canton, Arkansas (0.299)
    • Greene County, Mississippi (0.299)
    • Smith County, Mississippi (0.299)
    • Clarke County, Mississippi (0.301)

Concentrations of Major Religious Groups in the U.S.

All White Christian

  • White Christians brand up 44% of the U.S. population as of 2020.
  • White Christians are spread throughout the country only are well-nigh heavily concentrated in counties in the Midwest. The 10 highest concentrations of white Christians in counties with more than x,000 residents are:
    • Lyon County, Iowa (87%)
    • Meeker Canton, Minnesota (86%)
    • Redwood Canton, Minnesota (86%)
    • Mercer Canton, Ohio (86%)
    • Madison County, Idaho (85%)
    • Campbell County, Tennessee (85%)
    • Osage County, Missouri (84%)
    • Somerset County, Pennsylvania (84%)
    • Wayne Canton, Tennessee (84%)
    • Wilkes County, N Carolina (83%)
  • The median historic period of white Christian adults is 53. This is older than the median age of 47 for all Americans, and much older than non-Christian groups and religiously unaffiliated Americans.
  • Effectually one-tertiary of white Christians (33%) live in urban areas, 43% live in suburban areas, and 24% alive in rural areas.
  • White Christians tilt Republican: 39% identify as Republican, 31% identify as Democrat, and 28% identify every bit independent.

White Evangelical Protestant

  • White evangelical Protestants make up xiv% of the U.South. population as of 2020.
  • Large shares of white evangelical Protestants are spread through the country simply are well-nigh heavily full-bodied in counties in the South and lower Midwest. The 10 highest concentrations of white evangelical Protestants in counties with more than 10,000 residents are:
    • Marion County, Alabama (64%)
    • Campbell County, Tennessee (63%)
    • Johnson County, Tennessee (63%)
    • Fayette County, Alabama (63%)
    • McCreary Canton, Kentucky (62%)
    • Scott County, Tennessee (62%)
    • Cullman County, Alabama (62%)
    • Cocke County, Tennessee (61%)
    • Prentiss County, Mississippi (61%)
    • Wilkes County, North Carolina (threescore%)
  • The median historic period of white evangelical Protestant adults is 56, older than the median ages of all Americans (47) and all white Christians (53).
  • Three in x white evangelical Protestants (30%) live in urban areas, 41% alive in suburban areas, and 29% live in rural areas.
  • White evangelical Protestants are heavily Republican: 51% identify equally Republican, 22% place as Democrat, and 25% identify as independent.

White Mainline Protestant

  • White mainline protestants make up 16% of the U.S. population every bit of 2020.
  • White mainline Protestants are spread around the country but are about heavily concentrated in counties in the Midwest. The 10 highest concentrations of white mainline Protestants in counties with more than 10,000 residents are:
    • Pope County, Minnesota (37%)
    • Chippewa Canton, Minnesota (37%)
    • Stutsman County, Due north Dakota (35%)
    • Clayton County, Iowa (35%)
    • Dunn County, Wisconsin (35%)
    • O'Brien Canton, Iowa (34%)
    • Faribault Canton, Minnesota (34%)
    • Otter Tail County, Minnesota (34%)
    • Fillmore County, Minnesota (34%)
    • Mille Lacs County, Minnesota (34%)
  • The median age of white mainline Protestant adults is fifty. This is older than the median historic period of all Americans (47), but somewhat younger than the median age of all white Christians (53).
  • Around one-third of white mainline Protestants (35%) alive in urban areas, 42% live in suburban areas, and 23% live in rural areas.
  • White mainline Protestants are politically mixed: 33% identify equally Republican, 35% identify equally Democrat, and 30% identify equally independent.

White Catholic

  • White Catholics make up 12% of the U.S. population as of 2020.
  • White Catholics are almost heavily concentrated in counties in the Northeast and Midwest and in southern Louisiana. The x highest concentrations of white Catholics in counties with more than x,000 residents are:
    • Dubuque County, Iowa (45%)
    • Lackawanna County, Pennsylvania (45%)
    • Vermilion Parish, Louisiana (41%)
    • Calumet Canton, Wisconsin (41%)
    • Clinton County, New York (40%)
    • St. Martin Parish, Louisiana (forty%)
    • Bristol County, Massachusetts (39%)
    • Lafourche Parish, Louisiana (39%)
    • Stearns Canton, Minnesota (38%)
    • Gloucester Canton, New Bailiwick of jersey (38%)
  • The median age of white Catholic adults is 54. This is higher than the median age of 47 for all Americans and the same every bit the median age of 53 for all white Christians.
  • 33% of white Catholics live in urban areas, 48% live in suburban areas, and 19% live in rural areas.
  • White Catholics are skew slightly toward the Democratic side: 38% identify every bit Democrat, 32% place every bit Republican, and 28% identify as contained.

Latter-day Saint (Mormon)

  • Latter-day Saints make up i% of the U.Southward. population as of 2020.
  • Latter-twenty-four hours Saints are nearly heavily concentrated in Utah. The 10 highest concentrations of Latter-day Saints in counties with more than than 10,000 residents are:
    • Utah County, Utah (72%)
    • Madison County, Idaho (68%)
    • Cache County, Utah (64%)
    • Juab County, Utah (63%)
    • Millard County, Utah (63%)
    • Morgan County, Utah (61%)
    • Sanpete County, Utah (61%)
    • Box Elderberry Canton, Utah (lx%)
    • Sevier County, Utah (58%)
    • Tooele Canton, Utah (58%)
  • The median age of Latter-day Saints adults is 47, the aforementioned equally the median historic period of 47 for all Americans, simply younger than the median historic period of 53 for all white Christians.
  • xxx% of Latter-day Saints live in urban areas, 42% alive in suburban areas, and 28% live in rural areas.
  • Latter-day Saints generally identify as Republicans or independents: 39% identify as Republican, 16% place as Democrat, and 42% identify as contained.

Black Protestant

  • Black Protestants make up 7% of the U.S. population as of 2020.
  • Black Protestants are virtually heavily concentrated in the South and Southeast, particularly in the Deep S. The 10 highest concentrations of Blackness Protestants in counties with more 10,000 residents are:
    • Holmes Canton, Mississippi (68%)
    • Noxubee County, Mississippi (66%)
    • Bullock County, Alabama (63%)
    • Macon Canton, Alabama (62%)
    • Coahoma County, Mississippi (61%)
    • Leflore County, Mississippi (59%)
    • Sumter County, Alabama (59%)
    • Washington County, Mississippi (57%)
    • Sunflower County, Mississippi (57%)
    • Williamsburg Canton, S Carolina (55%)
  • The median age of Black Protestant adults is 50, the same equally white mainline Protestants (50), but slightly higher than the median for all Americans (47) and higher than most religious groups, except for white Catholics (54) and white evangelical Protestants (56).
  • Effectually half of Blackness Protestants (48%) alive in urban areas, while fewer live in suburban areas (37%) and rural areas (xv%).
  • Black Protestants are overwhelmingly Autonomous: 65% identify as Democrat, 7% identify as Republican, and 26% identify as independent.

Hispanic Protestant

  • Hispanic Protestants make up 4% of the U.South. population as of 2020.
  • Hispanic Protestants are primarily concentrated in the Southwest and the West, specially forth the edge between Texas and Mexico. The ten highest concentrations of Hispanic Protestants in counties with more than 10,000 residents are:
    • Hidalgo County, Texas (21%)
    • Maverick County, Texas (xx%)
    • Zavala Canton, Texas (18%)
    • Cameron County, Texas (18%)
    • Zapata County, Texas (17%)
    • Kleberg County, Texas (17%)
    • San Miguel County, New United mexican states (17%)
    • Duval Canton, Texas (17%)
    • Dimmit Canton, Texas (17%)
    • Webb County, Texas (17%)
  • The median age of Hispanic Protestant adults is 39, lower than the median for all Americans (47), and the lowest median age of all Christian groups.
  • Hispanic Protestants are evenly split between urban areas (45%) and suburban areas (43%), while just 12% live in rural areas.
  • Hispanic Protestants are primarily contained or Democratic: One in five (20%) Hispanic Protestants place as Republican, 33% identify as Democrat, and 42% identify equally independent.

Hispanic Catholic

  • Hispanic Catholics make up 8% of the U.S. population as of 2020.
  • Hispanic Catholics primarily alive in the Southwest and the West, particularly along the edge betwixt Texas and United mexican states and in California. The 10 highest concentrations of Hispanic Catholics in counties with more than ten,000 residents are:
    • Zapata County, Texas (59%)
    • Starr County, Texas (58%)
    • Webb County, Texas (57%)
    • Maverick County, Texas (55%)
    • Santa Cruz County, Arizona (52%)
    • Zavala Canton, Texas (52%)
    • Duval County, Texas (51%)
    • Cameron County, Texas (51%)
    • Regal County, California (50%)
    • Hidalgo County, Texas (49%)
  • The median age of Hispanic Cosmic adults is 42, lower than the median for all Americans (47). Hispanic Catholics are younger than near white religious groups simply a bit older than non-Christian groups.
  • More 4 in ten Hispanic Catholics alive in urban (46%) and suburban areas (43%), while only one in 10 (10%) live in rural areas.
  • Hispanic Catholics generally place equally Democrats or independents: One in ten Hispanic Catholics identify equally Republican (10%), well-nigh iv in x identify as Democrat (41%), and about four in ten identify every bit contained (42%).

Other Christian

  • Other Christians make upward 7% of the U.S. population equally of 2020, comprised of multiracial Christians (2%), AAPI Christians (1%), Native American Christians (1%), Blackness Catholics (one%), Christians who did not provide a race or ethnicity (1%), Jehovah's Witnesses (0.v%), and Orthodox Christians (0.5%).
  • Other Christians are most heavily concentrated in areas with higher shares of Native American or AAPI populations, including across the upper Midwest, the Southwest, and in Alaska and Hawaii. The 10 highest concentrations of other Christians in counties with more than than ten,000 residents are:
    • Oglala Lakota County, Due south Dakota (44%)
    • Todd County, South Dakota (44%)
    • Bethel Census Expanse, Alaska (44%)
    • Nome Demography Area, Alaska (42%)
    • Rolette County, Due north Dakota (42%)
    • Apache County, Arizona (33%)
    • Honolulu Canton, Hawaii (33%)
    • McKinley County, New Mexico (32%)
    • Adair County, Oklahoma (32%)
    • Glacier Canton, Montana (31%)
  • The median age of other Christian adults is 47, the same as the median age of 47 for all Americans, merely younger than the median age of 53 for all white Christians.
  • 37% of other Christians live in urban areas, 43% alive in suburban areas, and 20% live in rural areas.
  • Other Christians are primarily independents: 27% identify equally Republican, 27% identify as Democrat, and 39% identify as independent.

Jewish

  • Jewish Americans make up 1% of the U.S. population as of 2020.
  • Jewish Americans are primarily concentrated in the Northeast and areas around New York Metropolis. The 10 highest concentrations of Jewish Americans in counties with more than 10,000 residents are:
    • Rockland Canton, New York (eighteen%)
    • Kings Canton, New York (12%)
    • Nassau Canton, New York (10%)
    • Montgomery County, Maryland (ix%)
    • New York County, New York (nine%)
    • Palm Embankment County, Florida (nine%)
    • Ocean County, New Bailiwick of jersey (9%)
    • Bergen County, New Jersey (viii%)
    • Westchester County, New York (7%)
    • Orange Canton, New York (vii%)
  • The median historic period of Jewish American adults is 48, slightly higher than the median for all Americans (47). Jewish Americans are younger than almost Christian groups, merely older than other non-Christian groups.
  • A bulk (51%) of Jewish Americans alive in suburban areas, while four in ten (forty%) live in urban areas, and only 8% live in rural areas.
  • Nearly i in v (22%) Jewish Americans identify as Republican, 44% identify every bit Democrat, and about three in ten (31%) identify as independent.

Muslim

  • Muslim Americans make up 1% of the U.S. population as of 2020.
  • Muslim Americans are primarily concentrated in major metropolitan areas, particularly in the New York Metropolis area. The x highest concentrations of Muslim Americans in counties with more x,000 residents are:
    • Queens County, New York (5%)
    • Kings County, New York (4%)
    • Alexandria City, Virginia (4%)
    • Essex County, New Jersey (4%)
    • Philadelphia County, Pennsylvania (4%)
    • Hudson County, New Jersey (iv%)
    • Bronx County, New York (4%)
    • Wayne Canton, Michigan (iv%)
    • Montgomery Canton, Maryland (3%)
    • New York County, New York (3%)
  • The median age of Muslim American adults is 33, significantly lower than the median for all Americans (47), and among the youngest of all religious groups.
  • Most half of Muslim Americans alive in urban (46%) and suburban areas (46%), and merely ix% alive in rural areas.
  • Muslim Americans are predominantly independent or Democrat: 11% of Muslim Americans identify as Republican, 46% place as Democrat, and 36% identify as contained.

Buddhist

  • Buddhist Americans brand up 1% of the U.S. population as of 2020.
  • Buddhist Americans are primarily concentrated in Hawaii and the West Coast, particularly in the San Francisco Bay Area. The 10 highest concentrations of Buddhist Americans in counties with more than 10,000 residents are:
    • Hawaii Canton, Hawaii (5%)
    • Maui Canton, Hawaii (5%)
    • San Francisco County, California (iv%)
    • Kauai County, Hawaii (iv%)
    • Honolulu Country, Hawaii (four%)
    • Alameda County, California (3%)
    • San Mateo County, California (3%)
    • Santa Clara County, California (3%)
    • Queens County, New York (2%)
    • New York Canton, New York (ii%)
  • The median age of Buddhist American adults is 36, significantly lower than the median for all Americans (47) and among the youngest of all religious groups.
  • More than four in x Buddhist Americans (44%) alive in suburban areas, about four in ten (41%) live in urban areas, and 14% alive in rural areas.
  • Buddhist Americans are primarily independents or Democrats: 18% of Buddhist Americans identify as Republican, 33% identify as Democrat, and 44% identify as independent.

Hindu

  • Hindu Americans brand up less than 1% of the U.S. population every bit of 2020.
  • Hindu Americans are heavily full-bodied in larger metropolitan regions, particularly nigh New York Metropolis and San Francisco. The 10 highest concentrations of Hindu Americans in counties with more than 10,000 residents are:
    • Middlesex Canton, New Jersey (seven%)
    • Santa Clara County, California (5%)
    • Hudson County, New Jersey (5%)
    • Queens County, New York (4%)
    • Alameda Canton, California (3%)
    • San Mateo County, California (iii%)
    • Somerset County, New Jersey (3%)
    • Collin Canton, Texas (3%)
    • Loudoun County, Virginia (3%)
    • Fort Bend County, Texas (3%)
  • The median historic period of Hindu American adults is 36, significantly lower than the median for all Americans (47) and among the youngest of all religious groups.
  • The majority (58%) of Hindu Americans alive in suburban areas, nigh iv in x (39%) live in urban areas, and 4% live in rural areas.
  • Hindu Americans are generally independents or Democrats: 11% of Hindu Americans identify equally Republican, 35% identify as Democrat, and 44% as independent.

Religiously Unaffiliated

  • Religiously unaffiliated Americans make upwards 23% of the U.Southward. population as of 2020.
  • Religiously unaffiliated Americans are spread throughout the state but are well-nigh concentrated in the West and the Northeast. The 10 highest concentrations of religiously unaffiliated Americans in counties with greater than x,000 residents are:
    • San Juan County, Washington (49%)
    • Multnomah County, Oregon (48%)
    • Glacier County, Montana (45%)
    • Humboldt Canton, California (45%)
    • Tompkins County, New York (45%)
    • Windham County, Vermont (45%)
    • Pitkin County, Colorado (45%)
    • Benton County, Oregon (44%)
    • Jefferson County, Washington (44%)
    • Bennington County, Vermont (44%)
  • The median age of religiously unaffiliated American adults is 38, much younger than the median age of all Americans (47). This group is younger than Christian groups but older than most non-Christian groups.
  • Nearly four in 10 (39%) religiously unaffiliated Americans live in urban areas, 44% live in suburban areas, and 17% alive in rural areas.
  • Religiously unaffiliated Americans are primarily independents and Democrats: 16% identify every bit Republican, 35% identify as Democrat, and 46% place every bit independent.

Survey Methodology

American Values Atlas 2020

The 2020 American Values Atlas (AVA) is a project of PRRI. Results for all demographic, religious amalgamation, and political affiliation questions were based on fifty,334 bilingual telephone interviews (including 35,212 prison cell telephone interviews) conducted between January 7, 2020 and December twenty, 2020 past professional interviewers under the direction of SSRS. National results for questions on specific bug are based on a subset of 10,052 telephone interviews (including vi,981 cell phone interviews) conducted in ten weeks spread across the year. Country level results for questions on specific issues are based on the national subset plus an oversample of x key states in 30 additional weeks, resulting in 23,536 interviews across all fifty states plus the District of Columbia (including 16,848 cell phone interviews). Key states include Arizona, California, Florida, Georgia, Michigan, Northward Carolina, New United mexican states, Ohio, Texas, and Utah. The survey was made possible past generous support from the Arcus Foundation, the Evelyn and Walter Haas, Jr. Fund, the Gill Foundation, and Unitarian Universalist Veatch Plan at Shelter Rock.

Throughout 2020, at least 1,000 interviews were completed each week, with about 700 interviews conducted among respondents on their jail cell phones. Each calendar week, interviewing occurred over a five- or 6-24-hour interval period, starting Tuesdays or Wednesdays and going through Sun or Monday. The selection of respondents inside households was achieved past randomly requesting to speak with the youngest developed male person or female currently living in the household.

Information collection was based on stratified, single-phase, random-digit-dialing (RDD) of landline telephone households and randomly generated prison cell phone numbers. The sample was designed to represent the total U.S. adult population from all 50 states, including Hawaii and Alaska, and the District of Columbia. The landline and jail cell telephone samples were provided past Marketing Systems Group.

The weighting was accomplished in two split stages. The start stage of weighting corrects for different probabilities of selection associated with the number of adults in each household and each respondent's phone usage patterns. In the second stage, sample demographics were balanced to match target population parameters for gender, age, instruction, race and Hispanic ethnicity, region (U.S. Census definitions), population density, and telephone usage. The population density parameter was derived from 2010 Census data. The phone usage parameter came from an assay of the January-June 2018 National Health Interview Survey. All other weighting parameters were derived from an assay of the U.S. Census Bureau's March 2018 Current Population Survey.

The sample weighting was accomplished using iterative proportional fitting (IFP), a procedure that simultaneously balances the distributions of all variables. Weights are trimmed so that they do not exceed four.0 or fall below 0.25 to prevent individual interviews from having too much influence on the final results. The use of these weights in statistical analysis ensures that the demographic characteristics of the sample closely judge the demographic characteristics of the target populations.

Table A1 shows the sample sizes for all 50 states for the sample. Table A2 shows sample sizes for religious affiliations in the report. The margin of fault for the total sample is +/- 0.5 per centum points at the 95% level of confidence. The design effect of 1.three is included in the margins of error. In add-on to sampling error, surveys may also be subject area to fault or bias due to question wording, context, and order effects.

American Values Atlas 2013-2019

The 2013-2019 American Values Atlas (AVA) is a project of PRRI. The consummate 2013-2019 dataset contains 453,822 interviews. The survey was made possible past generous support from the Arcus Foundation, the E. Rhodes & Leona B. Carpenter Foundation, the Evelyn and Walter Haas, Jr. Fund, the Gill Foundation, and Unitarian Universalist Veatch Program at Shelter Rock.

Each year, at to the lowest degree 1,000 interviews were completed each week, with percentages of prison cell phone interviews increasing over the years to 70% in 2019. Each week, interviewing occurred over a five- or six-day period, starting Tuesdays or Wednesdays and going through Sunday or Mon. The selection of respondents within households was achieved by randomly requesting to speak with the youngest developed male or female currently living in the household.

Data collection was based on stratified, single-phase, random-digit-dialing (RDD) of landline telephone households and randomly generated cell phone numbers. The sample was designed to represent the total U.South. adult population from all l states, including Hawaii and Alaska, and the District of Columbia. The landline and cell phone samples were provided by Marketing Systems Group.

Weighting processes were identical to that described higher up for the 2020 data using the most recently available National Wellness Interview Survey and Electric current Population Survey.

Table A1 shows the sample sizes for all 50 states for the overall 2013-2019 dataset. Tabular array A2 shows sample sizes for religious affiliations in the report. The margin of mistake for the total sample is +/- 0.ii percentage points at the 95% level of confidence. The design outcome of 1.4 is included in the margins of mistake. In addition to sampling error, surveys may besides be subject to fault or bias due to question wording, context, and lodge effects.

County-Level Model Methodology

PRRI worked with NORC to use the American Values Atlas survey data from 2013-2019, which includes interviews with random samples of 459,822 U.South. adults (ages 18 and over) to generate canton-level estimates for each religious affiliation in 3,142 counties in all 50 states, plus the Commune of Columbia, using a technique chosen minor area estimation modeling. NORC has developed and implemented small area estimation models on a number of key projects for government and social science surveys. The estimates have varying measurement error based on the size of the canton and the number of surveys completed in each county. Smaller counties have larger measurement error.

The small expanse modeling approach for this project modeled weighted survey estimates of each religious affiliation past county and twelvemonth. Since the distribution of religious denominations are correlated across time, the small surface area model captures canton-level correlations across time via a time-series component to better estimates for the most current year. Furthermore, the model incorporates external auxiliary data (that is predictive of the distribution of religious denominations) at the county-level from the 2014-2018 v-year American Customs Survey. The best prepare of predictors for each religious denomination was selected using a variable selection approach known equally LASSO. Model-based estimates for each religious denomination and canton were generated using a standard small surface area interpretation approach referred to as "Empirical All-time Linear Unbiased Prediction". Finally, model-based estimates for each religious denomination were generated for all counties in the U.S., not limited to counties with survey information..

Endnotes

[1] Throughout this report, the term "white" signifies respondents who place as white or Caucasian and do non identify as Hispanic or Latino. "Christian of color" includes Christians who identify every bit Black, Hispanic, Asian or Pacific Islander American, Native American, multiracial, or any other nonwhite race or ethnicity. "Religiously unaffiliated" includes those who claim no organized religion in item, atheists, agnostics, and spiritual but non religious Americans. "Non-Christian religious" includes Jews, Muslims, Hindus, Buddhists, Unitarian Universalists, and adherents of any other globe religion.

[ii] All respondents who identify as Christian are so asked: "Would you draw yourself every bit a 'born again' or 'evangelical Christian,' or non?" Respondents who self-identify as white, non-Hispanic, Protestant and identify as born-again or evangelical are categorized every bit white evangelical Protestants. Respondents who self-identify equally white, non-Hispanic, Protestant and do non place as built-in-once again or evangelical are categorized every bit white mainline Protestants.

[3] Other Protestants of color include Protestants who are Asian or Pacific Islander American, Native American, multiracial, or any other race or ethnicity non listed. Other Catholics of color include Catholics who are Black, Asian or Pacific Islander American, Native American, multiracial, or any other race or ethnicity not listed. These groups are combined due to small sample sizes that preclude private analysis.

[4] https://www.prri.org/research/american-religious-landscape-christian-religiously-unaffiliated/#page-section-2

[5] Multiracial was separated as its ain category for the first time in the 2014 American Values Atlas data.

[half dozen] See appendix for full methodology.

[7] The religious variety for each state was calculated using the Religious Diversity Alphabetize, a variant of the Herfindahl-Hirschman Index, a widely used measure out of multifariousness among human and biological populations. Run across "The Herfindahl-Hirschman Index: A Concentration Measure Taking the Consumer'southward Point of View," Charles R. Laine, The Antitrust Bulletin, June 22, 1995.

Recommended Citation

"The American Religious Landscape in 2020" PRRI (July 8, 2021). https://world wide web.prri.org/enquiry/2020-demography-of-american-religion/

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Source: https://www.prri.org/research/2020-census-of-american-religion/

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